Get this from a library! Colonialidad del poder, eurocentrismo y América Latina. [ Aníbal Quijano]. Eurocentrism, and Latin America. Aníbal Quijano has expertise in Political Science and History. Publication Preview. Colonialidad del poder, eurocentrismo. En América Latina y en el Caribe, desde siempre en su historia, está planteado un conflicto entre tendencias que se dirigen hacia una reoriginalización cultural.
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Race, power, indigenous resistance The central tendencies of that process consist, in a brief overview, in:. At a first moment it was a virtually official discourse.
Nevertheless, it gave colojialidad to complex and contradictory questions, which derived in a rich and intense debate with worldwide resonance as a clear expression of the magnitude and the deepness of the socio-political conflicts of interest that were part of this whole quijjano geography of power and, particularly, in Latin-American.
In this way, a aibal range of categories became produced mainly development, underdevelopment, modernization, marginality, participation on the one hand and on the other imperialism, dependency, marginalization, revolutionwhich was deployed in close contact with conflictive and violent movements of and in society that lead to dead-end processes or relatively important, but unfinished, changes in the distribution of power.
Unemployment ceased to be a temporary or cyclical problem. What I am proposing here, opens a crucial question of our crucial moment in history: The second is about the imposition of that definitive framework on all countries and the whole human population, initially in Latin America through the bloody dictatorship of coloniwlidad Augusto Pinochet in Chile and later through the governments of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in Britain and the U.
This tendency already began since the end of the second world war as a result of the global repudiation regarding the atrocities of national-socialism and Japanese military authoritarianism. The extreme and increasing social polarization of the world population; 4. Following, it is most of all about admitting this open question, not only in debate, but also in the everyday social pder of populations who decide to warp and inhabit historically this new possibility of social existence.
It is this historical context, where it is necessary to locate the whole debate and elaboration of the proposition of Bien Vivir.
The Battle for Paradise: It is about, in a first stance, the acceleration and deepening of a re-concentration tendency regarding the control of power. It would make no sense, though, to wait for this historically heterogeneous population, which composes the overwhelmingly vast majority of the world, to produce or to take over a universal, homogenous historical imaginary as an alternative to the Global Coloniality of Power.
COLONIALIDAD DEL PODER, EUROCENTRISMO Y AMERICA LATINA by Rosibeth Chávez on Prezi
Since the end of the 20th century, a growing proportion of the victims of that power model began to resist these tendencies in virtually the whole world. It has been translated with the permission of the author. Another quijao is possible! The central tendencies of that process consist, amibal a brief overview, in: The differences cannot be merely linguistical but rather conceptual. It will be necessary to demarcate the alternatives, as well as in Latin-American Spanish, as in the most common variants of Quechua in South America and in Aymara.
This model of power is still globally hegemonic today, but also in its deepest and most existential crisis since its constitution for not much more than years.
An updated version in: The mercantilization of subjectivity and life experiences of individuals, mainly of women. Coloniaoidad, neither the differences nor the identities will be any longer a source or argument for the social inequality of individuals. What is more, precisely after the second World War, colonialidae power model entered a long period of decisive changes on a global scale. Contrarily, it would be much deel to explain the successful alliance of both modes of domination to overthrow most of all juvenile movements be that in Paris, New York, Berlin, Rome, Jakarta, Tlatelolco or Shanghai and Prague.
Otherwise it would no be possible to understand why the term always manages to reappear, for instance now, as the ghost of an unfinished past.
In that way and despite their rivalry, both modes of domination, exploitation and conflict converged in a repressive antagonism of the new movements of and in society, particularly regarding the social ethic of labor, gender, subjectivity and collective authority. Until now, power seems to have been, in all known history, not only a phenomenon of all long-term social forms of existence, but particularly the main motivation of the historical collective conduct of the species.
Resistance tends to evolve as the production of a new sense of social existence, life itself, precisely because the vast concerned population perceives with a growing intensity, that what is at stake here and now is not only their poverty as their never-ending way of existence, but rather and nothing less than their own survival.
Despite its intensity, this debate never managed to liberate itself from the hegemony of Eurocentrism.
And there is, of course, a huge body of literature available in that regard. Such a discovery implies necessarily that one cannot defend human life on earth without defending at the same time and in the same movement the conditions of the very life on earth. The danger of sighing while looking up. In that perspective, the proposition of Bien Vivir, is necessarily a historically open question which requires continuous inquiry, debate and praxis.
He is known for having developed the concept of “colonially of power” and his body of work has been influential in the fields of decolonial studies and critical theory. In that way, the defense of human life and its conditions on the planet becomes the new sense for resistance struggles for an enormous majority of the world population.
In other words, the new historical horizon of meanings is emerging in all its historical-structural heterogeneity. The re-privatization of public spaces, mainly the State. It is pertinent to summarize those: In other terms, it is one of the most central expressions of this existential crisis of this specific power model. Despite its new character, it did not cease to be attractive and persuasive although it turned out to be more and more paradoxical, ambivalent and ultimately historically impossible.
Also, paradoxically but effectively, the resistance against those forms made it possible to share common historical aspirations against domination, exploitation and discrimination: Amauta, Lima, Peru. The evolvement of these new historical tendencies of industrial-financial capital lead to a prolonged booming and changing period, culminating in an explosion of an existential crisis in the power model as such, the Global Coloniality of Power, its ensemble and its crucial elements, since the second half of Alternautas is a blog dedicated to Latin American critical development thinking.
This would not even be conceivable taking only into account the population of Latin America or the Americas as a whole. But neither its historical-structural dependency in the Global Coloniality of Power, nor the modes of exploitation and domination inherent to this power model have been eradicated or sufficiently altered in order to make space for a democratic production and management of the State, nor its resources of production, nor the distribution and appropriation of the product.
It is pertinent to summarize those:.
For the purpose of the present debate, it might be useful to cite only the most important ones. In that way a new industrial-financial capital was formed, which soon experienced a relatively fast global expansion.
Such experiences of power relations are without any doubt different between each other and regarding the Coloniality of Power, but nevertheless possible common experiences of colonization.